BRITISH
LITERATURE I (CORE COURSE)
Unit 1: Introduction
The Renaissance and its impact on England
It is difficult to date or define
the Renaissance. Etymologically the term, which was first used in England only
as late as the nineteenth century, means "re-birth". Broadly
speaking, the Renaissance implies that re-awakening of learning which came to
Europe in the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries.
The English Renaissance
was a cultural and artistic
movement in England dating from the late 15th to the early 17th century. It
is associated with the pan-European Renaissance
that is usually regarded as beginning in Italy in the late 14th century. As in
most of the rest of northern Europe, England saw little of these developments
until more than a century later. The beginning of the English Renaissance is
often taken, as a convenience, to be 1485, when the Battle of Bosworth ended the Wars
of the Roses and inaugurated the Tudor
Dynasty. Renaissance style and ideas, however, were slow to penetrate
England, and the Elizabethan era in the second half of the 16th
century is usually regarded as the height of the English Renaissance.
The English Renaissance is
different from the Italian Renaissance in several ways. The
dominant art forms of the English Renaissance were literature
and music. Visual
arts in the English Renaissance were much less significant than in the
Italian Renaissance. The English period began far later than the Italian, which
was moving into Mannerism and the Baroque by the
1550s or earlier. In contrast, the English Renaissance can only truly be said
to begin, shakily, in the 1520s, and it continued until perhaps 1620.
The
Renaissance was not only English but a European phenomenon; and basically
considered, it signalized a thorough substitution of the medieval habits of
thought by new attitudes. The dawn of the Renaissance came first to Italy and a
little later to France. To England it came much later, roughly about the
beginning of the sixteenth century. As we have said at the outset, it is
difficult to date the Renaissance; however, it may be mentioned that in Italy
the impact of Greek learning was first felt when after the Turkish conquest of
Constantinople the Greek scholars fled and took refuge in Italy carrying with
them a vast treasure of ancient Greek literature in manuscript. The study of
this literature fired the soul and imagination of the Italy of that time and
created a new kind of intellectual and aesthetic culture quite different from
that of the Middle Ages. The light of the Renaissance came very slowly to the
isolated island of England, so that when it did come in all its brilliance in
the sixteenth century, the Renaissance in Italy had already become a spent
force.
The following are the implications
of the Renaissance in England:
(a)
First, the Renaissance meant the death of mediaeval
scholasticism which had for long been keeping human thought in bondage. The schoolmen got themselves entangled in useless controversies and tried to apply the principles of Aristotelian. philosophy to the doctrines of Christianity, thus giving birth to a vast literature characterized by polemics, casuistry, and sophistry which did not advance man in any way.
scholasticism which had for long been keeping human thought in bondage. The schoolmen got themselves entangled in useless controversies and tried to apply the principles of Aristotelian. philosophy to the doctrines of Christianity, thus giving birth to a vast literature characterized by polemics, casuistry, and sophistry which did not advance man in any way.
(b)
Secondly, it signalized a revolt against spiritual authority-the authority of
the Pope. The Reformation, though not part of the revival of learning, was yet
a companion movement in England. This defiance of spiritual authority went hand
in hand with that of intellectual authority. Renaissance intellectuals
distinguished themselves by their flagrant anti-authoritarianism.
(c)
Thirdly, the Renaissance implied a greater perception of beauty and polish in
the Greek and Latin scholars. This beauty and this polish were sought by Renaissance
men of letters to be incorporated in their native literature. Further, it meant
the birth of a kind of imitative
tendency implied in the term "classicism."
tendency implied in the term "classicism."
(d)
Lastly, the Renaissance marked a change from the theocentric to the homocentric
conception of the universe. Human life, pursuits, and even body came to be
glorified. "Human life", as G. H. Mair observes, "which the
mediaeval Church had taught them [the people] to regard but as a threshold and
stepping-stone to eternity, acquired suddenly a new momentousness and value.".The
"otherworldliness" gave place to "this-worldliness". Human
values came to be recognised as permanent values, and they were sought to be
enriched and illumined by the heritage of antiquity. This bred a new kind of
paganism and marked the rise of humanism as also, by implication, materialism.
The impact of the Renaissance on English literature
Non-creative Literature:
Naturally
enough, the first impact of the Renaissance in England was registered by the
universities, being the repositories of all learning. Some English scholars,
becoming aware of the revival of learning in Italy, went to that country to
benefit by it and to examine personally the manuscripts brought there by the
fleeing Greek scholars of Constantinople. Prominent among these scholars were
William Grocyn (14467-1519), Thomas Linacre (1460-1524), and John Colet
(14677-1519). After returning from Italy they organised the teaching of Greek
in Oxford. They were such learned and reputed scholars of Greek that Erasmus
came all the way from Holland to learn Greek from them. Apart from scholars,
the impact of the Renaissance is also; in a measure, to be seen on the work of
the educationists of the age. Sir Thomas Elyot (14907-1546) wrote the Governour
(1531) which is a treatise on moral philosophy modelled on Italian works
and full of the spirit of Roman antiquity. Other educationists were Sir John
Cheke (1514-57), Sir Thomas Wilson (1525-81), and Sir Roger Ascham (1515-68).
Out of all the educationists the last named is the most important, on account
of his Scholemaster published two years after his death. Therein he puts
forward his views on the teaching of the classics. His own style is too
obviously based upon the ancient Roman writers. "By turns", remarks
Legouis, "he imitates Cicero's periods and Seneca's nervous
conciseness". In addition to these well-known educationists must be
mentioned the sizable number of now obscure ones—"those many
unacknowledged, unknown guides who, in school and University, were teaching men
to admire and imitate the masterpieces of antiquity" (Legouis).
Prose:
The
most important prose writers who exhibit well the influence of the Renaissance
on English prose are Erasmus, Sir Thomas More, Lyly, and Sidney. The first
named was a Dutchman who, as we have already said, came to Oxford to learn
Greek. His chief work was The Praise of Folly which is the English
translation of his most important work-written in England. It is, according to
Tucker Brook, "the best expression in literature of the attack that the
Oxford reformers were making upon the medieval system." Erasmus wrote this
work in 1510 at the house of his friend Sir Thomas More who was executed at the
bidding of Henry VIII for his refusal to give up his allegiance to the ' Pope.
More's famous prose romance Utopia was, in the words of Legouis,
"true prologue to the Renaissance.'" It was the first book written by
an Englishman which achieved European fame; but it was written in Latin (1516)
and only later (1555) was translated into English. Curiously enough, the next
work by an English man again to acquire European fame-Bacon's Novum
Organwn-was also written originally in Latin. The word "Utopia"
is from Greek "ou topos" meaning "no place". More's Utopia
is an imaginary island which is the habitat of an ideal republic. By the
picture of the ideal state is implied a kind of social criticism of
contemporary England. More's indebtedness to Plato's Republic is quite
obvious. However, More seems also to be indebted to the then recent discoveries
of the explorers and navigators-like Columbus and Vasco da Gama who were mostly
of Spanish and Portuguese nationalities. In Utopia, More discredits
mediaevalism in all its implications and exalts the ancient Greek culture.
Legouis observes about this work : "The Utopians are in revolt against the
spirit of chivalry : they hate warfare and despise soldiers. Communism is the
law of the land; all are workers for only a limited number of hours. Life
should be pleasant for all; asceticism is condemned. More relies on the
goodness of human nature, and intones a hymn to the glory of the senses which
reveal nature's wonders. In Utopia all religions are authorized, and tolerance
is the law. Scholasticism is scoffed at, and Greek philosophy preferred to that
of Rome. From one end to the other of the book More reverses medieval
beliefs." More's Utopia created a new genre in which can be classed
such works as Bacon's The New Atlantis (1626), Samuel Butler's Erewhon
(1872), W. H. Mallock's The New Republic (1877), Richard Jefferies' After
London (1885), W. H. Hudson's The Crystal Age (1887), William
Morris" News from Nowhere, and H. G. Well's A Modern Utopia (1905).
Passing
on to the prose writers of the Elizabethan age-the age of the flowering of the
Renaissance-we find them markedly influenced both in their style and
thought-content by the revival of the antique classical learning. Sidney in
Arcadia, Lyly in Euphues, and Hooker in The Laws of
Ecclesiastical Polity wrote an English essay which is away from the
language of common speech, and is either too heavily laden—as in the case of
Sidney and Lyly-with bits of classical finery, or modelled on Latin syntax, as
in the case of Hooker. Cicero seemed to these writers a verv obvious and
respectable model. Bacon, however, in his sententiousness and cogency comes
near Tacitus and turns away from the prolixity, diffuseness, and ornamentation
associated with Ciceronian prose. Further, in his own career and his Essays,
Bacon stands as a representative of the materialistic, Machiavellian facet
of the Renaissance, particularly of Renaissance Italy. He combines in himself
the dispassionate pursuit of truth and the keen desire for material advance.
Poetry:
Sir
Thomas Wyatt (1503-42) and the Earl of Surrey (15177-47) were pioneers
of the new poetry in England. After Chaucer the spirit of English poetry had
slumbered for upward of a century. The change in pronunciation in the fifteenth
century had created a lot of confusion in prosody which in the practice of such
important poets as Lydgate and Skelton had been reduced to a mockery. "The
revival", as Legoius says, "was an uphill task; verse had to be drawn
from the languor to which it had sunk in Stephen Hawes, and from the disorder
in which a Skelton had plunged it; all had to be done anew". It was Wyatt
and Surrey who came forward to do it.
As
Mair puts it, it is with "these two courtiers that the modern English
poetry begins." Though they wrote much earlier, it was only in 1557, a
year before Elizabeth's coronation, that their work was published in Tottel's
Miscellany which is, according to G. H. Mair, "one of the landmarks of
English literature." Of the two, Wyatt had travelled extensively in Italy
and France and had come under the spell of Italian Renaissance. It must be
remembered that the work of Wyatt and Surrey does not reflect the impact of the
Rome of antiquity alone,. but also that of modern Italy. So far as
versification is concerned, Wyatt and Surrey imported into England various new
Italian metrical patterns. Moreover, they gave English poetry a new sense of grace,
dignity, delicacy, and harmony which was found by them lacking iil the works of
Chaucer and the Chaucerians alike. Further, they Were highly influenced by the
love poetry of Petrarch and they did their best to imitate it. Petrarch's love
poetry is of the courtly kind, in which the pining lover is shown as a
"servant" of his mistress with his heart tempest-tossed by her
neglect and his mood varying according to her absence or presence. There is
much of idealism, if not downright artificiality, in this kind of love poetry.
It
goes to the credit of Wyatt to have introduced the sonnet into English
literature, and of Surrey to have first written blank verse. Both the sonnet
and blank verse were later to be practised by a vast number of the best English
poets. According to David Daiches.
"Wyatt's
sonnets represent one of the most interesting movements toward metrical
discipline to be found in English literary history." Though in his sonnets
he did not employ regular iambic pentameters yet he created a sense of
discipline among the poets of his times who had forgotten the lesson and
example of Chaucer and, like Skelton, were writing "ragged" and
"jagged" lines which jarred so unpleasantly upon the ear. As Tillyard
puts it, Wyatt "let the Renaissance into English verse" by importing
Italian and French patterns of sentiment as well as versification. He wrote in
all thirty-two sonnets out of which seventeen are adaptations of Petrarch. Most
of them (twenty-eight) have the rhyme-scheme of Petarch's sonnets; that is,
each has the octave a bbaabba and twenty-six out of these twenty-eight
have the c d d c e e sestet. Only in the last three he comes near what
is called the Shakespearean formula, that is, three quatrains and a couplet. In
the thirtieth sonnet he exactly produced it; this sonnet rhymes a b a b, a b
a b, a b a b, c c. Surrey wrote about fifteen or sixteen sonnets out of
which ten use the Shakespearean formula which was. to enjoy the greatest
popularity among the sonneteers of the sixteenth century. Surrey's work is characterized
by exquisite grace and tenderness which we find missing from that of Wyatt.
Moreover, he is a better craftsman and gives greater harmony to his poetry.
Surrey employed blank verse in his translation of the fourth book of The
Aeneid, the work which was first translated into English verse by Gavin
Douglas a generation earlier, but in heroic couplets.
Drama:
The
revival of ancient classical learning scored its first clear impact on English
drama in the middle of the sixteenth century. Previous to this impact there had
been a pretty vigorous native tradition of drama, particularly comedy. This
tradition had its origin in the liturgical drama and had progressed through the
miracle and the mystery, and later the morality, to the interlude. John Heywood
had written quite a few vigorous interludes, but they were altogether different
in tone, spirit, and purpose from the Greek and Roman drama of antiquity. The
first English regular tragedy Gorboduc (written by Sackville and Norton,
and first acted in 1562) and comedy Ralph Roister Doister (written about
1550 by Nicholas Udall) were very much imitations of classical tragedy and
comedy. It is interesting to note that English dramatists came not under the
spell of the ancient Greek dramatists "(Aeschylus, Sophocles, and
Euripides, the tragedy writers, and Aristophanes, the comedy writer) but the
Roman dramatists (Seneca, the tragedy writer, and Plautus and. Terence! the
comedv writers). It was indeed unfortunate, as Greek drama is vastly superior to
Roman drama. Gpfboduc is a s'avish imitation of Senecan tragedy and has
all its features without much of its life. Like Senecan tragedy it has revenge
as the tragic —otive, has most of its important incidents (mostly murders)
narrated on the -stage by messengers, has much of rhetoric and verbose
declamation, has a ghost among its dramatis personae, and so forth. '.".
is indeed a good instance of the "blood and thunder" kind' of
tragedy. Ralph Roister Doister is modelled upon Plautus and Terence. It is
based on the stupid endeavours of the hero for winning the love of a married
woman. There is the cunning, merry slave-Matthew Merrygreek-a descendant of the
Plautine slave who serves as the motive power which keeps the play going.
Later
on, the "University Wits" struck a note of independence in their
dramatic work. They refused to copy Roman drama as slavishly as the writers of Gorboduc
and Roister Doister. Even so, their plays are not free from the
impact of the Renaissance; rather they show it as amply, though not in the same
way. In their imagination they were all fired by the new literature which
showed them new dimensions of human capability. They were humanists through and
through. All of them—Lyly, Greene, Peele, Nashe, Lodge, Marlowe, and Kyd-show
in their dramatic work not, of course, a slavish tendency to ape the ancients
but a chemical action of Renaissance learning on the native genius fired by the
enthusiasm of discovery and aspiration so typical of the Elizabethan age. In
this respect Marlowe stands in the fore-front of the University Wits. Rightly
has he been called "the true child of the Renaissance"
THE REFORMATION – CAUSES
The Reformation was the greatest religious movement in the
early church. It was a revival of Biblical and New Testament theology. The
Reformation officially began in 1517 when Martin Luther challenged the Roman
Church on the matter of Indulgences. While Luther had no idea of the impact
this would make on the German society and the world, this event changed the
course of history.
The English Reformation was
a series of events in 16th-century England by which the Church
of England broke away from the authority of the Pope and the Roman
Catholic Church. These events were, in part, associated with the wider
process of the European Protestant Reformation, a religious and
political movement that affected the practice of Christianity across all of
Europe during this period. Many factors contributed to the process: the decline
of feudalism
and the rise of nationalism, the rise of the common law, the invention of the printing
press and increased circulation of the Bible, the transmission of new
knowledge and ideas among scholars, the upper and middle classes and readers in
general. However, the various phases of the English Reformation, which also
covered Wales and
Ireland, were largely driven by changes in government policy, to which public
opinion gradually accommodated itself.
Based on Henry VIII's desire for an annulment of his
marriage (first requested of Pope
Clement VII in 1527), the English Reformation was at the outset more of a
political affair than a theological dispute. The reality of political
differences between Rome and England allowed growing theological disputes to
come to the fore.[1]
Until the break with Rome, it was the Pope and general councils of the Church
that decided doctrine.
Church law was governed by the code of canon law
with final jurisdiction in Rome. Church taxes were paid straight to Rome, and
the Pope had the final word in the appointment of bishops.
The break with Rome was affected by a series of acts of Parliament passed
between 1532 and 1534, among them the 1534 Act
of Supremacy which declared that Henry was the "Supreme Head on earth
of the Church of England". Final authority in doctrinal and legal disputes
now rested with the monarch, and the papacy was deprived of revenue and the
final say on the appointment of bishops.
The theology and liturgy of the Church of England became markedly
Protestant and was a matter of fierce
dispute during the reign of Henry's son Edward VI. The violent aspect of these
disputes, manifested in the English Civil Wars, ended when the last Roman
Catholic monarch, James II, was deposed, and Parliament asked William
and Mary to rule jointly in conjunction with the English Bill of Rights in 1688 (in the
"Glorious Revolution").
“There
are two leading aspects in which the Reformation, viewed as a whole, may be
regarded; the one more external and negative, and the other more intrinsic and
positive. In the first aspect it was a great revolt against the see of Rome,
and against the authority of the church and of churchmen in religious matters,
combined with an assertion of the exclusive authority of the Bible, and of the
right of all men to examine and interpret it for themselves. In the second and
more important and positive aspect, the Reformation was the proclamation and
inculcation, upon the alleged authority of Scripture, of certain views in
regard to the substance of Christianity or the way of salvation, and in regard
to the organization and ordinances of the Christian church” (William
Cunningham, The Reformers and the Theology of the Reformation).
THE RESULTS OF THE REFORMATION
- It is impossible to understand
modern history apart from the Reformation. We cannot understand the
history of Europe, England or America without studying the Reformation.
For example, in America there would never have been Pilgrim Fathers if
there had not first been a Protestant Reformation.
- The Reformation has profoundly
affected the modern view of politics and law. Prior to the Reformation the
Church governed politics; she controlled emperors and kings and governed
the law of lands.
- The meaning of much western
literature is really quite meaningless apart from an understanding of the
Reformation. Moreover, for all practical purposes Martin Luther stabilized
the German language.
- In the realm of science, it is
generally granted by modern historians that there never would have been
modern science were it not for the Reformation. All scientific
investigation and endeavor prior to that had been controlled by the
church. Only through sheer ignorance of history do many modern scientists
believe that Protestantism, the true evangelical faith, opposes true
science.
- The Reformation laid down once
and for all the right and obligation of the individual conscience, and the
right to follow the dictates of that individual conscience. Many men who
talk lightly and glibly about “liberty” neither know nor realize that they
owe their liberty to this event.
The
Commonwealth of Nations
After the execution
of King Charles I, a republican government in London attempts to govern the
entire British Isles—until thrown out by Oliver Cromwell. After the
purge carried out by elements of the New Model Army in 1648, the Long
Parliament was left with a small number of MPs approved by the radicals. This
later became known as the Rump Parliament. Members of the Rump set up the High
Court of Justice, which presided over the trial and execution of King Charles
in January 1649. After the King's execution, the Rump abolished the monarchy
and the House of Lords. The Council of State was appointed as an executive
body, which was subordinate to the legislative House of Commons. England was
declared a republican "Commonwealth and Free State" in May 1649.
During the early
1650s, attempts were made to incorporate Scotland and Ireland into the
Commonwealth with England so that the three nations were ruled by a central
government for the first time in British history. After the subjugation of the
British Isles, the Commonwealth government adopted an aggressive foreign policy
based upon naval power which forced reluctant European nations to recognise the
legitimacy of the Commonwealth.
The
Commonwealth relied upon the Army to maintain its authority at home, but
tensions developed between senior officers led by Oliver Cromwell and civilian
politicians led by Sir Henry Vane over the form the government should take. In
April 1653, Cromwell led a body of soldiers to forcibly expel MPs of the Rump
Parliament from the House of Commons. The Rump was replaced by the short-lived
Nominated Assembly, which split into opposing factions and voluntarily
surrendered its powers to Cromwell in December 1653.
RESTORATION
Restoration, in English history, is the
re establishment of the monarchy on the accession (1660) of Charles II
after the collapse of the Commonwealth
and the Protectorate.
The term is often used to refer to the entire period from 1660 to the fall of James II
in 1688, and in English literature the Restoration period (often called the age
of Dryden) is commonly viewed as extending from 1660 to the death of John
Dryden in 1700.
After the death of Oliver Cromwell in Sept., 1658, the English republican experiment soon faltered. Cromwell's son and successor, Richard, was an ineffectual leader, and power quickly fell into the hands of the generals, chief among whom was George Monck, leader of the army of occupation in Scotland. In England a strong reaction had set in against Puritan supremacy and military control. When Monck marched on London with his army, opinion had already crystallized in favor of recalling the exiled king.
Monck recalled to the Rump Parliament the members who had been excluded by Pride's Purge in 1648; the reconvened body voted its own dissolution. The newly elected Convention Parliament, which met in the spring of 1660, was overtly royalist in sympathy. An emissary was sent to the Netherlands, and Charles was easily persuaded to issue the document known as the Declaration of Breda, promising an amnesty to the former enemies of the house of Stuart and guaranteeing religious toleration and payment of arrears in salary to the army. Charles accepted the subsequent invitation to return to England and landed at Dover on May 25, 1660, entering London amid rejoicing four days later.
After the death of Oliver Cromwell in Sept., 1658, the English republican experiment soon faltered. Cromwell's son and successor, Richard, was an ineffectual leader, and power quickly fell into the hands of the generals, chief among whom was George Monck, leader of the army of occupation in Scotland. In England a strong reaction had set in against Puritan supremacy and military control. When Monck marched on London with his army, opinion had already crystallized in favor of recalling the exiled king.
Monck recalled to the Rump Parliament the members who had been excluded by Pride's Purge in 1648; the reconvened body voted its own dissolution. The newly elected Convention Parliament, which met in the spring of 1660, was overtly royalist in sympathy. An emissary was sent to the Netherlands, and Charles was easily persuaded to issue the document known as the Declaration of Breda, promising an amnesty to the former enemies of the house of Stuart and guaranteeing religious toleration and payment of arrears in salary to the army. Charles accepted the subsequent invitation to return to England and landed at Dover on May 25, 1660, entering London amid rejoicing four days later.
Politics under Charles II and James
II
Control of policy fell to Charles's inner circle of old Cavalier supporters, notably to Edward Hyde, 1st earl of Clarendon, who was eventually superseded by a group known as the Cabal. The last remnants of military republicanism, as exemplified in the Fifth Monarchy Men, were violently suppressed, and persecution spread to include the Quakers. The Cavalier Parliament, which assembled in 1661, restored a militant Anglicanism (see Clarendon Code), and Charles attempted, although cautiously, to reassert the old absolutist position of the earlier Stuarts.
The crown, however, was still dependent upon Parliament for its finances. The unwillingness of Charles and his successor, James II, to accept the implications of this dependency had some part in bringing about the deposition (1688) of James II, who was hated as a Roman Catholic as well as a suspected absolutist. The Glorious Revolution gave the throne to William III and Mary II.
England during the Restoration
The Restoration period was marked by an advance in colonization and overseas trade, by the Dutch Wars, by the great plague (1665) and the great fire of London (1666), by the birth of the Whig and Tory parties, and by the Popish Plot and other manifestations of anti-Catholicism. In literature perhaps the most outstanding result of the Restoration was the reopening of the theaters, which had been closed since 1642, and a consequent great revival of the drama (see English literature). The drama of the period was marked by brilliance of wit and by licentiousness, which may have been a reflection of the freeness of court manners. The last and greatest works of John Milton fall within the period but are not typical of it; the same is true of John Bunyan's Pilgrim's Progress (1678). The age is vividly brought to life in the diaries of Samuel Pepys and John Evelyn, and in poetry the Restoration is distinguished by the work of John Dryden and a number of other poets.
Control of policy fell to Charles's inner circle of old Cavalier supporters, notably to Edward Hyde, 1st earl of Clarendon, who was eventually superseded by a group known as the Cabal. The last remnants of military republicanism, as exemplified in the Fifth Monarchy Men, were violently suppressed, and persecution spread to include the Quakers. The Cavalier Parliament, which assembled in 1661, restored a militant Anglicanism (see Clarendon Code), and Charles attempted, although cautiously, to reassert the old absolutist position of the earlier Stuarts.
The crown, however, was still dependent upon Parliament for its finances. The unwillingness of Charles and his successor, James II, to accept the implications of this dependency had some part in bringing about the deposition (1688) of James II, who was hated as a Roman Catholic as well as a suspected absolutist. The Glorious Revolution gave the throne to William III and Mary II.
England during the Restoration
The Restoration period was marked by an advance in colonization and overseas trade, by the Dutch Wars, by the great plague (1665) and the great fire of London (1666), by the birth of the Whig and Tory parties, and by the Popish Plot and other manifestations of anti-Catholicism. In literature perhaps the most outstanding result of the Restoration was the reopening of the theaters, which had been closed since 1642, and a consequent great revival of the drama (see English literature). The drama of the period was marked by brilliance of wit and by licentiousness, which may have been a reflection of the freeness of court manners. The last and greatest works of John Milton fall within the period but are not typical of it; the same is true of John Bunyan's Pilgrim's Progress (1678). The age is vividly brought to life in the diaries of Samuel Pepys and John Evelyn, and in poetry the Restoration is distinguished by the work of John Dryden and a number of other poets.
COFFEE HOUSES AND THEIR SOCIAL RELEVANCE
The
coffeehouse is an important and distinctive social and cultural institution
deeply embedded in modern notions of public opinion and civil society. A
coffeehouse is a business that sells prepared coffee as a hot beverage. After
originating in the Ottoman Empire in the 16th century, the first coffeehouses
opened in Europe in the mid-17th century, in London first, and later in
continental Europe and the American colonies. They quickly gained popularity
through the peculiar flavor of the hot drink, with its habit-forming
properties, but also through the distinctive sociability of the coffee room.
This sociability was predicated on discussion and conversation on matters of
political and cultural significance, and was supported by the provision of news
and literary productions in both manuscript and print. Coffeehouses were
recognized as centers of the new urbanism of the 18th and 19th centuries and
were in this way associated especially with the Enlightenment and with
political reform, although individual coffeehouses varied considerably in their
philosophical and political allegiance. While in the Anglophone world
coffeehouses lost some of their cultural significance in the 19th century, it
was in this period that European iterations of the idea (in the café, caffè,
or Kaffeehaus) gained special prominence. In the mid-20th century, the
coffeehouse was self-consciously rehabilitated by the espresso bar trend, and
it has found a new expression within postmodern culture in the much-noted
ubiquity of anodyne branded coffeehouse chains
In 17th and
18th century England, coffeehouses were popular places for people from all
walks of life to go and meet, chat, gossip and have fun, whilst enjoying the
latest fashion, a drink newly arrived in Europe from Turkey – coffee.Whilst the
taste of 17th century coffee was not very palatable - indeed, it tasted
quite disgusting according to accounts of the time - the caffeine in it
and the ‘buzz’ it provided, proved quite addictive.
The first coffeehouse in England
was opened in Oxford
in 1652. In London,
the first one was opened later that same year in at St Michael’s Alley,
Cornhill, by an eccentric Greek named Pasqua Roseé. Soon they were commonplace.
The new coffeehouses became fashionable places for the chattering classes to
meet, conduct business, gossip, exchange ideas and debate the news of the day.
Unlike public
houses, no alcohol was served and women were excluded. Each coffeehouse had
a particular clientele, usually defined by occupation, interest or attitude,
such as Tories and Whigs, traders and merchants, poets and authors, and men of
fashion and leisure.
Polite conversation led to
reasoned and sober debate on matters of politics, science, literature and
poetry, commerce and religion, so much so that London coffeehouses became known
as ‘penny universities’, as that was the price of a cup of coffee. Influential
patrons included Samuel Pepys, John Dryden, Alexander Pope and Isaac Newton. Anyone
of any social class could frequent the coffeehouses, and so they became
associated with equality and republicanism. So much so that in 1675 an attempt
to ban them was made by Charles II, which caused such a public outcry that it
was withdrawn.
Several great British
institutions can trace their roots back to these humble coffeehouses. The
London Stock Exchange had its beginnings in Jonathan’s Coffee House in 1698
where gentlemen met to set stock and commodity prices. Auctions in salesrooms
attached to coffee houses were the beginnings of the great auction houses of
Sotheby’s and Christies. Lloyd's of London had its origins in Lloyds Coffee
House on Lombard Street, run by Edward Lloyd, where merchants, shippers and
underwriters of ship insurance met to do business. By 1739, there were over 550
coffeehouses in London. However the coffee house fell out of favour towards the
end of the 18th century as the new fashion for tea replaced
coffee. They gave way to, and largely influenced, the exclusive gentleman’s
club of the late 18th century. Revived in the Victorian
era and run by the Temperance Movement, coffeehouses were set up as
alternatives to public houses where the working classes could meet and
socialise.
Unit 2: Prose
- On Revenge – Francis Bacon
REVENGE
is a kind of wild justice; which the more man’ s nature runs to, the more
ought law to weed it out. For as for the first wrong, it doth but offend the
law; but the revenge of that wrong, putteth the law out of office. Certainly,
in taking revenge, a man is but even with his enemy; but in passing it over,
he is superior; for it is a prince’s part to pardon. And Solomon, I am sure,
saith, It is the glory of a man, to pass by an offence. That which is past is
gone, and irrevocable; and wise men have enough to do, with things present
and to come; therefore they do but trifle with themselves, that labor in past
matters. There is no man doth a wrong, for the wrong’s sake; but thereby to
purchase himself profit, or pleasure, or honor, or the like. Therefore why should
I be angry with a man, for loving himself better than me? And if any man
should do wrong, merely out of ill-nature, why, yet it is but like the thorn
or briar, which prick and scratch, because they can do no other. The most
tolerable sort of revenge, is for those wrongs which there is no law to
remedy; but then let a man take heed, the revenge be such as there is no law
to punish; else a man’s enemy is still before hand, and it is two for one.
Some, when they take revenge, are desirous, the party should know, whence it
cometh. This is the more generous. For the delight seemeth to be, not so much
in doing the hurt, as in making the party repent. But base and crafty
cowards, are like the arrow that flieth in the dark. Cosmus, duke of
Florence, had a desperate saying against perfidious or neglecting friends, as
if those wrongs were unpardonable; You shall read (saith he) that we are
commanded to forgive our enemies; but you never read, that we are commanded
to forgive our friends. But yet the spirit of Job was in a better tune: Shall
we (saith he) take good at God’s hands, and not be content to take evil also?
And so of friends in a proportion. This is certain, that a man that studieth
revenge, keeps his own wounds green, which otherwise would heal, and do well.
Public revenges are for the most part fortunate; as that for the death of
Caesar; for the death of Pertinax; for the death of Henry the Third of
France; and many more. But in private revenges, it is not so. Nay rather,
vindictive persons live the life of witches; who, as they are mischievous, so
end they infortunate.
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By Joseph Addison (1672–1719)
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MY friend Sir Roger de
Coverley, when we last met together at the club, told me, that he had a great
mind to see the new tragedy with me, assuring me at the same time, that he
had not been at a play these twenty years. The last I saw, said Sir Roger,
was theCommittee which I should not have gone to neither, had not
I been told beforehand that it was a good Church-of-England comedy. He then
proceeded to enquire of me who this distrest mother was; and upon hearing
that she was Hector’s widow, he told me that her husband was a brave man, and
that when he was a school-boy he had read his life at the end of the
dictionary. My friend asked me, in the next place, if there would not be some
danger in coming home late, in case the Mohocks should be abroad. I assure
you, says he, I thought I had fallen into their hands last night; for I
observed two or three lusty black men that followed me half way up Fleet
Street, and mended their pace behind me, in proportion as I put on to get
away from them. You must know, continued the knight with a smile, I fancied
they had a mind to hunt me; for I remember an honest gentleman in my
neighbourhood, who was served such a trick in King Charles the Second’s time;
for which reason he has not ventured himself in town ever since. I might have
shown them very good sport, had this been their design; for as I am an old
fox-hunter, I should have turned and dodged, and have played them a thousand
tricks they had never seen in their lives before. Sir Roger added, that if
these gentlemen had any such intention, they did not succeed very well in it:
for I threw them out, says he, at the end of Norfolk Street, where I doubled
the corner, and got shelter in my lodgings before they could imagine what was
become of me. However, says the knight, if Captain Sentry will make one with
us to-morrow night, and if you will both of you call upon me about four
a-clock, that we may be at the house before it is full, I will have my own
coach in readiness to attend you, for John tells me he has got the
fore-wheels mended.
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The Captain, who did
not fail to meet me there at the appointed hour, bid Sir Roger fear nothing,
for that he had put on the same sword which he made use of at the battle of
Steenkirk. Sir Roger’s servants, and among the rest my old friend the butler,
had, I found, provided themselves with good oaken plants, to attend their
master upon this occasion. When we had placed him in his coach, with myself
at his left-hand, the captain before him, and his butler at the head of his
footmen in the rear, we convoy’d him in safety to the play-house, where,
after having marched up the entry in good order, the captain and I went in
with him, and seated him betwixt us in the pit. As soon as the house was
full, and the candles lighted, my old friend stood up and looked about him
with that pleasure, which a mind seasoned with humanity naturally feels in
its self, at the sight of a multitude of people who seem pleased with one
another, and partake of the same common entertainment. I could not but fancy
to myself, as the old man stood up in the middle of the pit, that he made a
very proper center to a tragick audience. Upon the entering of Pyrrhus, the
knight told me, that he did not believe the King of France himself had a
better strut. I was indeed very attentive to my old friend’s remarks, because
I looked upon them as a piece of natural criticism, and was well pleased to
hear him at the conclusion of almost every scene, telling me that he could
not imagine how the play would end. One while he appeared much concerned for
Andromache; and a little while after as much for Hermione: and he was
extremely puzzled to think what would become of Pyrrhus.
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When Sir Roger saw
Adromache’s obstinate refusal to her lover’s importunities, he whispered me
in the ear, that he was sure she would never have him; to which he added with
a more than ordinary vehemence, you can’t imagine, sir, what ’tis to have to
do with a widow. Upon Pyrrhus his threatening afterwards to leave her, the
knight shook his head, and muttered to himself, ay, do if you can. This part dwelt
so much upon my friend’s imagination, that at the close of the third act, as
I was thinking of something else, he whispered in my ear, these widows, sir,
are the most perverse creatures in the world. But pray, says he, you that are
a critick, is this play according to your dramatick rules, as you call them?
Should your people in tragedy always talk to be understood? Why, there is not
a single sentence in this play that I do not know the meaning of.
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The fourth act very
luckily began before I had time to give the old gentleman an answer: Well,
says the knight, sitting down with great satisfaction, I suppose we are now
to see Hector’s ghost. He then renewed his attention, and, from time to time,
fell a praising the widow. He made, indeed, a little mistake as to one of her
pages, whom at his first entering, he took for Astyanax; but he quickly set
himself right in that particular, though, at the same time, he owned he
should have been very glad to have seen the little boy, who, says he, must
needs be a very fine child by the account that is given of him. Upon
Hermione’s going off with a menace to Pyrrhus, the audience gave a loud clap;
to which Sir Roger added, On my word, a notable young baggage!
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As there was a very
remarkable silence and stillness in the audience during the whole action, it
was natural for them to take the opportunity of these intervals between the
acts, to express their opinion of the players, and of their respective parts.
Sir Roger hearing a cluster of them praise Orestes, struck in with them, and
told them, that he thought his friend Pylades was a very sensible man; as
they were afterwards applauding Pyrrhus, Sir Roger put in a second time; and
let me tell you, says he, though he speaks but little, I like the old fellow
in whiskers as well as any of them. Captain Sentry seeing two or three wags
who sat near us, lean with an attentive ear towards Sir Roger, and fearing
lest they should smoke the knight, plucked him by the elbow, and whispered
something in his ear, that lasted till the opening of the fifth act. The
knight was wonderfully attentive to the account which Orestes gives of
Pyrrhus his death, and at the conclusion of it, told me it was such a bloody
piece of work, that he was glad it was not done upon the stage. Seeing
afterwards Orestes in his raving fit, he grew more than ordinary serious, and
took occasion to moralize (in his way) upon an evil conscience, adding, that
Orestes, in his madness, looked as if he saw something.
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As we were the first
that came into the house, so we were the last that went out of it; being
resolved to have a clear passage for our old friend, whom we did not care to
venture among the justling of the crowd. Sir Roger went out fully satisfied
with his entertainment, and we guarded him to his lodgings in the same manner
that we brought him to the play-house; being highly pleased, for my own part,
not only with the performance of the excellent piece which had been
presented, but with the satisfaction which it had given to the good old man
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UNIT-3 POETRY
I.
Prothalamion
CALM was the day, and through the
trembling air
Sweet breathing Zephyrus did softly
play,
A gentle spirit, that lightly did
delay
Hot Titan's beams, which then did
glister fair;
When I whose sullen care,
Through discontent of my long
fruitless stay
In prince's court, and expectation
vain
Of idle hopes, which still do fly
away
Like empty shadows, did afflict my
brain,
Walked forth to ease my pain
Along the shore of silver streaming
Thames,
Whose rutty bank, the which his
river hems,
Was painted all with variable
flowers,
And all the meads adorned with
dainty gems,
Fit to deck maidens' bowers,
And crown their paramours,
Against the bridal day, which is not
long:
Sweet
Thames, run softly, till I end my song.
There, in a meadow, by the river's
side,
A flock of nymphs I chanced to espy,
All lovely daughters of the flood
thereby,
With goodly greenish locks, all
loose untied,
As each had been a bride;
And each one had a little wicker
basket,
Made of fine twigs, entrailed
curiously,
In which they gathered flowers to
fill their flasket,
And with fine fingers cropt full
featously
The tender stalks on high.
Of every sort, which in that meadow
grew,
They gathered some; the violet
pallid blue,
The little daisy, that at evening
closes,
The virgin lily, and the primrose
true,
With store of vermeil roses,
To deck their bridegrooms'
posies
Against the bridal day, which was
not long:
Sweet
Thames, run softly, till I end my song.
With that, I saw two swans of goodly
hue
Come softly swimming down along the
Lee;
Two fairer birds I yet did never
see.
The snow which doth the top of
Pindus strew,
Did never whiter shew,
Nor Jove himself, when he a swan
would be
For love of Leda, whiter did appear:
Yet Leda was they say as white as
he,
Yet not so white as these, nor
nothing near.
So purely white they were,
That even the gentle stream, the
which them bare,
Seemed foul to them, and bade his
billows spare
To wet their silken feathers, lest
they might
Soil their fair plumes with water
not so fair,
And mar their beauties bright,
That shone as heaven's light,
Against their bridal day, which was
not long:
Sweet
Thames, run softly, till I end my song.
Eftsoons the nymphs, which now had
flowers their fill,
Ran all in haste, to see that silver
brood,
As they came floating on the crystal
flood.
Whom when they saw, they stood
amazed still,
Their wondering eyes to fill.
Them seemed they never saw a sight
so fair,
Of fowls so lovely, that they sure
did deem
Them heavenly born, or to be that
same pair
Which through the sky draw Venus'
silver team;
For sure they did not seem
To be begot of any earthly
seed,
But rather angels, or of angels'
breed:
Yet were they bred of Somers-heat
they say,
In sweetest season, when each flower
and weed
The earth did fresh array,
So fresh they seemed as day,
Even as their bridal day, which was
not long:
Sweet
Thames, run softly, till I end my song.
Then forth they all out of their
baskets drew
Great store of flowers, the honour
of the field,
That to the sense did fragrant odours
yield,
All which upon those goodly birds
they threw,
And all the waves did strew,
That like old Peneus' waters they
did seem,
When down along by pleasant Tempe's
shore,
Scattered with flowers, through
Thessaly they stream,
That they appear through lilies'
plenteous store,
Like a bride's chamber floor.
Two of those nymphs meanwhile, two
garlands bound,
Of freshest flowers which in that
mead they found,
The which presenting all in trim
array,
Their snowy foreheads therewithal
they crowned,
Whilst one did sing this lay,
Prepared against that day,
Against their bridal day, which was
not long:
Sweet
Thames, run softly, till I end my song.
'Ye gentle birds, the world's fair
ornament,
And heaven's glory, whom this happy
hour
Doth lead unto your lovers' blissful
bower,
Joy may you have and gentle heart's
content
Of your love's complement:
And let fair Venus, that is queen of
love,
With her heart-quelling son upon you
smile,
Whose smile, they say, hath virtue
to remove
All love's dislike, and friendship's
faulty guile
For ever to assoil.
Let endless peace your steadfast
hearts accord,
And blessed plenty wait upon your
board,
And let your bed with pleasures
chaste abound,
That fruitful issue may to you
afford,
Which may your foes confound,
And make your joys redound
Upon your bridal day, which is not
long:
Sweet
Thames, run softly, till I end my song.'
So ended she; and all the rest
around
To her redoubled that her
undersong,
Which said their bridal day should
not be long.
And gentle echo from the neighbour
ground
Their accents did resound.
So forth those joyous birds did pass
along,
Adown the Lee, that to them murmured
low,
As he would speak, but that he
lacked a tongue,
Yet did by signs his glad affection
show,
Making his stream run slow.
And all the fowl which in his flood
did dwell
Gan flock about these twain, that
did excel
The rest so far as Cynthia doth
shend
The lesser stars. So they, enranged
well,
Did on those two attend,
And their best service lend,
Against their wedding day, which was
not long:
Sweet
Thames, run softly, till I end my song.
At length they all to merry London
came,
To merry London, my most kindly
nurse,
That to me gave this life's first
native source;
Though from another place I take my
name,
An house of ancient fame.
There when they came, whereas those
bricky towers,
The which on Thames' broad aged back
do ride,
Where now the studious lawyers have
their bowers
There whilom wont the Templar
Knights to bide,
Till they decayed through
pride:
Next whereunto there stands a
stately place,
Where oft I gained gifts and goodly
grace
Of that great lord, which therein
wont to dwell,
Whose want too well now feels my
friendless case.
But ah, here fits not well
Old woes but joys to tell
Against the bridal day, which is not
long:
Sweet
Thames, run softly, till I end my song.
Yet therein now doth lodge a noble
peer,
Great England's glory, and the
world's wide wonder,
Whose dreadful name late through all
Spain did thunder,
And Hercules' two pillars standing
near
Did make to quake and fear:
Fair branch of honour, flower of
chivalry,
That fillest England with thy
triumph's fame,
Joy have thou of thy noble
victory,
And endless happiness of thine own
name
That promiseth the same:
That through thy prowess and
victorious arms,
Thy country may be freed from
foreign harms;
And great Elisa's glorious name may
ring
Through all the world, filled with
thy wide alarms,
Which some brave Muse may sing
To ages following,
Upon the bridal day, which is not
long:
Sweet
Thames, run softly, till I end my song.
From those high towers this noble
lord issuing,
Like radiant Hesper when his golden
hair
In th'Ocean billows he hath bathed
fair,
Descended to the river's open
viewing,
With a great train ensuing.
Above the rest were goodly to be
seen
Two gentle knights of lovely face
and feature
Beseeming well the bower of any
queen,
With gifts of wit and ornaments of
nature,
Fit for so goodly stature;
That like the twins of Jove they
seemed in sight,
Which deck the baldric of the
heavens bright.
They two forth pacing to the river's
side,
Received those two fair birds, their
love's delight;
Which, at th' appointed tide,
Each one did make his bride
Against their bridal day, which is
not long:
Sweet
Thames, run softly, till I end my song.
II. Shall I
compare thee to a summer’s day? (Sonnet 18)
By William
Shakespeare, 1564 - 1616
Shall I compare thee to a summer’s day?
Thou art more lovely and more temperate.
Rough winds do shake the darling buds of May,
And summer’s lease hath all too short a date.
Sometime too hot the eye of heaven shines,
And often is his gold complexion dimmed;
And every fair from fair sometime declines,
By chance, or nature’s changing course, untrimmed;
But thy eternal summer shall not fade,
Nor lose possession of that fair thou ow’st,
Nor shall death brag thou wand’rest in his shade,
When in eternal lines to Time thou grow’st.
So long as men can breathe, or eyes can see,
So long lives this, and this gives life to thee.
As virtuous men pass mildly
away,
And whisper to
their souls to go,
Whilst some of their sad friends do
say
The breath goes
now, and some say, No:
So let us melt, and make no
noise,
No tear-floods,
nor sigh-tempests move;
'Twere profanation of our joys
To tell the laity
our love.
Moving of th' earth brings harms and
fears,
Men reckon what it
did, and meant;
But trepidation of the
spheres,
Though greater
far, is innocent.
Dull sublunary lovers' love
(Whose soul is
sense) cannot admit
Absence, because it doth
remove
Those things which
elemented it.
But we by a love so much
refined,
That our selves
know not what it is,
Inter-assured of the mind,
Care less, eyes,
lips, and hands to miss.
Our two souls therefore, which are
one,
Though I must go,
endure not yet
A breach, but an expansion,
Like gold to airy
thinness beat.
If they be two, they are two
so
As stiff twin
compasses are two;
Thy soul, the fixed foot, makes no
show
To move, but doth,
if the other do.
And though it in the center
sit,
Yet when the other
far doth roam,
It leans and hearkens after
it,
And grows erect,
as that comes home.
Such wilt thou be to me, who
must,
Like th' other
foot, obliquely run;
Thy firmness makes my circle
just,
And makes me end
where I begun.
IV.
Paradise Lost (Book IX, Lines 795-833)
By
JOHN MILTON
O Sovran, vertuous,
precious of all Trees [ 795 ]
In Paradise, of operation blest
To Sapience, hitherto obscur'd, infam'd,
And thy fair Fruit let hang, as to no end
Created; but henceforth my early care,
Not without Song, each Morning, and due praise [ 800 ]
Shall tend thee, and the fertil burden ease
Of thy full branches offer'd free to all;
Till dieted by thee I grow mature
In knowledge, as the Gods who all things know;
Though others envie what they cannot give; [ 805 ]
For had the gift bin theirs, it had not here
Thus grown. Experience, next to thee I owe,
Best guide; not following thee, I had remaind
In ignorance, thou op'nst Wisdoms way,
And giv'st access, though secret she retire. [ 810 ]
And I perhaps am secret; Heav'n is high,
High and remote to see from thence distinct
Each thing on Earth; and other care perhaps
May have diverted from continual watch
Our great Forbidder, safe with all his Spies [ 815 ]
About him. But to Adam in what sort
Shall I appeer? shall I to him make known
As yet my change, and give him to partake
Full happiness with mee, or rather not,
But keep the odds of Knowledge in my power [ 820 ]
Without Copartner? so to add what wants
In Femal Sex, the more to draw his Love,
And render me more equal, and perhaps,
A thing not undesireable, somtime
Superior: for inferior who is free? [ 825 ]
This may be well: but what if God have seen
And Death ensue? then I shall be no more,
And Adam wedded to another Eve,
Shall live with her enjoying, I extinct;
A death to think. Confirm'd then I resolve, [ 830 ]
Adam shall share with me in bliss or woe:
So dear I love him, that with him all deaths
I could endure, without him live no life.
In Paradise, of operation blest
To Sapience, hitherto obscur'd, infam'd,
And thy fair Fruit let hang, as to no end
Created; but henceforth my early care,
Not without Song, each Morning, and due praise [ 800 ]
Shall tend thee, and the fertil burden ease
Of thy full branches offer'd free to all;
Till dieted by thee I grow mature
In knowledge, as the Gods who all things know;
Though others envie what they cannot give; [ 805 ]
For had the gift bin theirs, it had not here
Thus grown. Experience, next to thee I owe,
Best guide; not following thee, I had remaind
In ignorance, thou op'nst Wisdoms way,
And giv'st access, though secret she retire. [ 810 ]
And I perhaps am secret; Heav'n is high,
High and remote to see from thence distinct
Each thing on Earth; and other care perhaps
May have diverted from continual watch
Our great Forbidder, safe with all his Spies [ 815 ]
About him. But to Adam in what sort
Shall I appeer? shall I to him make known
As yet my change, and give him to partake
Full happiness with mee, or rather not,
But keep the odds of Knowledge in my power [ 820 ]
Without Copartner? so to add what wants
In Femal Sex, the more to draw his Love,
And render me more equal, and perhaps,
A thing not undesireable, somtime
Superior: for inferior who is free? [ 825 ]
This may be well: but what if God have seen
And Death ensue? then I shall be no more,
And Adam wedded to another Eve,
Shall live with her enjoying, I extinct;
A death to think. Confirm'd then I resolve, [ 830 ]
Adam shall share with me in bliss or woe:
So dear I love him, that with him all deaths
I could endure, without him live no life.
Not
with more glories, in th' etherial plain,
The
sun first rises o'er the purpled main,
Than,
issuing forth, the rival of his beams
Launch'd
on the bosom of the silver Thames.
Fair
nymphs, and well-dress'd youths around her shone,
But
ev'ry eye was fix'd on her alone.
On
her white breast a sparkling cross she wore,
Which
Jews might kiss, and infidels adore.
Her
lively looks a sprightly mind disclose,
Quick
as her eyes, and as unfix'd as those:
Favours
to none, to all she smiles extends;
Oft
she rejects, but never once offends.
Bright
as the sun, her eyes the gazers strike,
And,
like the sun, they shine on all alike.
Yet
graceful ease, and sweetness void of pride,
Might
hide her faults, if belles had faults to hide:
If
to her share some female errors fall,
Look
on her face, and you'll forget 'em all.
This nymph, to the destruction of mankind,
Nourish'd
two locks, which graceful hung behind
In
equal curls, and well conspir'd to deck
With
shining ringlets the smooth iv'ry neck.
Love
in these labyrinths his slaves detains,
And
mighty hearts are held in slender chains.
With
hairy springes we the birds betray,
Slight
lines of hair surprise the finney prey,
Fair
tresses man's imperial race ensnare,
And
beauty draws us with a single hair.
Th' advent'rous baron the bright locks admir'd;
He
saw, he wish'd, and to the prize aspir'd.
Resolv'd
to win, he meditates the way,
By
force to ravish, or by fraud betray;
For
when success a lover's toil attends,
Few
ask, if fraud or force attain'd his ends.
For this, ere Phoebus rose, he had implor'd
Propitious
Heav'n, and ev'ry pow'r ador'd,
But
chiefly love—to love an altar built,
Of
twelve vast French romances, neatly gilt.
There
lay three garters, half a pair of gloves;
And
all the trophies of his former loves;
With
tender billet-doux he lights the pyre,
And
breathes three am'rous sighs to raise the fire.
Then
prostrate falls, and begs with ardent eyes
Soon
to obtain, and long possess the prize:
The
pow'rs gave ear, and granted half his pray'r,
The
rest, the winds dispers'd in empty air.
But now secure the painted vessel glides,
The
sun-beams trembling on the floating tides,
While
melting music steals upon the sky,
And
soften'd sounds along the waters die.
Smooth
flow the waves, the zephyrs gently play,
Belinda
smil'd, and all the world was gay.
All
but the Sylph—with careful thoughts opprest,
Th'
impending woe sat heavy on his breast.
He
summons strait his denizens of air;
The
lucid squadrons round the sails repair:
Soft
o'er the shrouds aerial whispers breathe,
That
seem'd but zephyrs to the train beneath.
Some
to the sun their insect-wings unfold,
Waft
on the breeze, or sink in clouds of gold.
Transparent
forms, too fine for mortal sight,
Their
fluid bodies half dissolv'd in light,
Loose
to the wind their airy garments flew,
Thin
glitt'ring textures of the filmy dew;
Dipp'd
in the richest tincture of the skies,
Where
light disports in ever-mingling dyes,
While
ev'ry beam new transient colours flings,
Colours
that change whene'er they wave their wings.
Amid
the circle, on the gilded mast,
Superior
by the head, was Ariel plac'd;
His
purple pinions op'ning to the sun,
He
rais'd his azure wand, and thus begun.
"Ye Sylphs and Sylphids, to your chief give ear!
Fays,
Fairies, Genii, Elves, and Dæmons, hear!
Ye
know the spheres and various tasks assign'd
By
laws eternal to th' aerial kind.
Some
in the fields of purest æther play,
And
bask and whiten in the blaze of day.
Some
guide the course of wand'ring orbs on high,
Or
roll the planets through the boundless sky.
Some
less refin'd, beneath the moon's pale light
Pursue
the stars that shoot athwart the night,
Or
suck the mists in grosser air below,
Or
dip their pinions in the painted bow,
Or
brew fierce tempests on the wintry main,
Or
o'er the glebe distil the kindly rain.
Others
on earth o'er human race preside,
Watch
all their ways, and all their actions guide:
Of
these the chief the care of nations own,
And
guard with arms divine the British throne.
"Our humbler province is to tend the fair,
Not
a less pleasing, though less glorious care.
To
save the powder from too rude a gale,
Nor
let th' imprison'd essences exhale,
To
draw fresh colours from the vernal flow'rs,
To
steal from rainbows e'er they drop in show'rs
A
brighter wash; to curl their waving hairs,
Assist
their blushes, and inspire their airs;
Nay
oft, in dreams, invention we bestow,
To
change a flounce, or add a furbelow.
"This day, black omens threat the brightest fair
That
e'er deserv'd a watchful spirit's care;
Some
dire disaster, or by force, or slight,
But
what, or where, the fates have wrapt in night.
Whether
the nymph shall break Diana's law,
Or
some frail china jar receive a flaw;
Or
stain her honour, or her new brocade,
Forget
her pray'rs, or miss a masquerade;
Or
lose her heart, or necklace, at a ball;
Or
whether Heav'n has doom'd that Shock must fall.
Haste,
then, ye spirits! to your charge repair:
The
flutt'ring fan be Zephyretta's care;
The
drops to thee, Brillante, we consign;
And,
Momentilla, let the watch be thine;
Do
thou, Crispissa, tend her fav'rite lock;
Ariel
himself shall be the guard of Shock.
"To fifty chosen Sylphs, of special note,
We
trust th' important charge, the petticoat:
Oft
have we known that sev'n-fold fence to fail,
Though
stiff with hoops, and arm'd with ribs of whale.
Form
a strong line about the silver bound,
And
guard the wide circumference around.
"Whatever spirit, careless of his charge,
His
post neglects, or leaves the fair at large,
Shall
feel sharp vengeance soon o'ertake his sins,
Be
stopp'd in vials, or transfix'd with pins;
Or
plung'd in lakes of bitter washes lie,
Or
wedg'd whole ages in a bodkin's eye:
Gums
and pomatums shall his flight restrain,
While
clogg'd he beats his silken wings in vain;
Or
alum styptics with contracting pow'r
Shrink
his thin essence like a rivell'd flow'r.
Or,
as Ixion fix'd, the wretch shall feel
The
giddy motion of the whirling mill,
In
fumes of burning chocolate shall glow,
And
tremble at the sea that froths below!"
He spoke; the spirits from the sails descend;
Some,
orb in orb, around the nymph extend,
Some
thrid the mazy ringlets of her hair,
Some
hang upon the pendants of her ear;
With
beating hearts the dire event they wait,
Anxious,
and trembling for the birth of fate.
UNIT
IV: DRAMA
DR. FAUSTUS
Christopher
Marlowe: Born in Canterbury in 1564, the same year as William
Shakespeare, Christopher Marlowe was an actor, poet, and playwright during the
reign of Britain’s Queen Elizabeth I (ruled 1558–1603). He produced seven
plays, all of which were immensely popular. Among the most well-known of his
plays are Tamburlaine, The Jew of Malta, and Doctor Faustus. In his writing, he
pioneered the use of blank verse, non-rhyming lines of iambic pentameter, which
many of his contemporaries, including William Shakespeare, later adopted.
Doctor Faustus was
probably written in 1592, although the exact date of its composition is
uncertain, since it was not published until a decade later. The idea of an
individual selling his or her soul to the devil for knowledge is an old motif
in Christian folklore, one that had become attached to the historical persona of
Johannes Faustus, a disreputable astrologer who lived in Germany sometime in
the early 1500s.
Doctor Faustus, a
well-respected German scholar, grows dissatisfied with the limits of
traditional forms of knowledge-logic, medicine, law, and religion and decides
that he wants to learn to practice magic. He has his servant Wagner summon
Valdes and Cornelius, two German experts in magic. Faustus tells them that he
has decided to experiment in necromancy and needs them to teach him some of the
fundamentals.
When he is alone in his
study, Faustus begins experimenting with magical incantations, and suddenly
Mephistophilis appears, in the form of an ugly devil. Faustus sends him away,
telling him to reappear in the form of a friar. Faustus discovers that it is
not his conjuring which brings forth Mephistophilis but, instead, that when
anyone curses the trinity, devils automatically appear. Faustus sends
Mephistophilis back to hell with the bargain that if Faustus is given
twenty-four years of absolute power, he will then sell his soul to Lucifer.
Later, in his study, when Faustus begins to despair, a Good Angel and a Bad
Angel appear to him; each encourages Faustus to follow his advice.
Mephistophilis appears and Faust agrees to sign a contract in blood with the
devil even though several omens appear which warn him not to make this bond.
Faustus begins to
repent of his bargain as the voice of the Good Angel continues to urge him to
repent. To divert Faustus, Mephistophilis and Lucifer both appear and parade
the seven deadly sins before Faustus. After this, Mephistophilis takes Faustus
to Rome and leads him into the pope's private chambers, where the two become
invisible and play pranks on the pope and some unsuspecting friars. After this episode, Faustus and Mephistophilis
go to the German emperor's court, where they conjure up Alexander the Great. At
this time, Faustus also makes a pair of horns suddenly appear on one of the
knights who had been sceptical about Faustus' powers. After this episode,
Faustus is next seen selling his horse to a horse-courser with the advice that
the man must not ride the horse into the water. Later, the horse-courser enters
Faustus' study and accuses Faustus of false dealings because the horse had
turned into a bundle of hay in the middle of a pond.
After performing other
magical tricks such as bringing forth fresh grapes in the dead of winter,
Faustus returns to his study, where at the request of his fellow scholars, he
conjures up the apparition of Helen of Troy. An old man appears and tries to
get Faustus to hope for salvation and yet Faustus cannot. He knows it is now
too late to turn away from the evil and ask for forgiveness. When the scholars
leave, the clock strikes eleven and Faustus realizes that he must give up his
soul within an hour. As the clock marks each passing segment of time, Faustus
sinks deeper and deeper into despair. When the clock strikes twelve, devils
appear amid thunder and lightning and carry Faustus off to his eternal
damnation.
Prologue:
The
Chorus, a single actor, enters and introduces the plot of the play. It will
involve neither love nor war, he tells us, but instead will trace the “form of
Faustus’ fortunes” (Prologue.8). The Chorus chronicles how Faustus was born to
lowly parents in the small town of Rhode, how he came to the town of Wittenberg
to live with his kinsmen, and how he was educated at Wittenberg, a famous
German university. After earning the title of doctor of divinity, Faustus
became famous for his ability to discuss theological matters. The Chorus adds
that Faustus is “swollen with cunning” and has begun to practice necromancy, or
black magic (Prologue.20). The Prologue concludes by stating that Faustus is
seated in his study.
Scene
1: In
a long soliloquy, Faustus reflects on the most rewarding type of scholarship.
He first considers logic, quoting the Greek philosopher Aristotle, but notes
that disputing well seems to be the only goal of logic, and, since Faustus’s
debating skills are already good, logic is not scholarly enough for him. He
considers medicine, quoting the Greek physician Galen, and decides that
medicine, with its possibility of achieving miraculous cures, is the most
fruitful pursuit yet he notes that he has achieved great renown as a doctor
already and that this fame has not brought him satisfaction. He considers law,
quoting the Byzantine emperor Justinian, but dismisses law as too petty,
dealing with trivial matters rather than larger ones. Divinity, the study of
religion and theology, seems to offer wider vistas, but he quotes from St.
Jerome’s Bible that all men sin and finds the Bible’s assertion that “the
reward of sin is death” an unacceptable doctrine. He then dismisses religion
and fixes his mind on magic, which, when properly pursued, he believes will
make him “a mighty god” (1.62).
Wagner, Faustus’s
servant, enters as his master finishes speaking. Faustus asks Wagner to bring
Valdes and Cornelius, Faustus’s friends, to help him learn the art of magic.
While they are on their way, a good angel and an evil angel visit Faustus. The
good angel urges him to set aside his book of magic and read the Scriptures
instead; the evil angel encourages him to go forward in his pursuit of the
black arts. After they vanish, it is clear that Faustus is going to heed the
evil spirit, since he exults at the great powers that the magical arts will
bring him. Faustus imagines sending spirits to the end of the world to fetch
him jewels and delicacies, having them teach him secret knowledge, and using
magic to make himself king of all Germany. Valdes and Cornelius appear, and
Faustus greets them, declaring that he has set aside all other forms of
learning in favour of magic. They agree to teach Faustus the principles of the
dark arts and describe the wondrous powers that will be his if he remains committed
during his quest to learn magic. Cornelius tells him that “the miracles that magic will perform / Will make thee vow to study
nothing else” (1.136–137). Valdes lists a number of texts that Faustus
should read, and the two friends promise to help him become better at magic
than even they are. Faustus invites them to dine with him, and they exit.
Scene
2: Two
scholars come to see Faustus. Wagner makes jokes at their expense and then
tells them that Faustus is meeting with Valdes and Cornelius. Aware that Valdes
and Cornelius are infamous for their involvement in the black arts, the
scholars leave with heavy hearts, fearing that Faustus may also be falling into
“that damned art” as well (2.29).
Scene
3: That
night, Faustus stands in a magical circle marked with various signs and words,
and he chants in Latin. Four devils and Lucifer, the ruler of hell, watch him
from the shadows. Faustus renounces heaven and God, swears allegiance to hell,
and demands that Mephastophilis rise to serve him. The devil Mephastophilis
then appears before Faustus, who commands him to depart and return dressed as a
Franciscan friar, since “that holy shape becomes a devil best” (3.26).
Mephastophilis vanishes, and Faustus remarks on his obedience. Mephastophilis
then reappears, dressed as a monk, and asks Faustus what he desires. Faustus
demands his obedience, but Mephastophilis says that he is Lucifer’s servant and
can obey only Lucifer. He adds that he came because he heard Faustus deny
obedience to God and hoped to capture his soul.
Faustus quizzes
Mephastophilis about Lucifer and hell and learns that Lucifer and all his
devils were once angels who rebelled against God and have been damned to hell
forever. Faustus points out that Mephastophilis is not in hell now but on
earth; Mephastophilis insists, however, that he and his fellow demons are
always in hell, even when they are on earth, because being deprived of the
presence of God, which they once enjoyed, is hell enough. Faustus dismisses
this sentiment as a lack of fortitude on Mephastophilis’s part and then
declares that he will offer his soul to Lucifer in return for twenty-four years
of Mephastophilis’s service. Mephastophilis agrees to take this offer to his
master and departs. Left alone, Faustus remarks that if he had “as many souls
as there be stars,” he would offer them all to hell in return for the kind of
power that Mephastophilis offers him (3.102). He eagerly awaits
Mephastophilis’s return.
Scene
4: Wagner
converses with a clown and tries to persuade him to become his servant for
seven years. The clown is poor, and Wagner jokes that he would probably sell
his soul to the devil for a shoulder of mutton; the clown answers that it would
have to be well-seasoned mutton. After first agreeing to be Wagner’s servant,
however, the clown abruptly changes his mind. Wagner threatens to cast a spell
on him, and he then conjures up two devils, who he says will carry the clown
away to hell unless he becomes Wagner’s servant. Seeing the devils, the clown
becomes terrified and agrees to Wagner’s demands. After Wagner dismisses the
devils, the clown asks his new master if he can learn to conjure as well, and
Wagner promises to teach him how to turn himself into any kind of animal but he
insists on being called “Master Wagner.”
Scene
5:Faustus
begins to waver in his conviction to sell his soul. The good angel tells him to
abandon his plan and “think of heaven,
and heavenly things,” but he dismisses the good angel’s words, saying that
God does not love him (5.20). The good and evil angels make another appearance,
with the good one again urging Faustus to think of heaven, but the evil angel
convinces him that the wealth he can gain through his deal with the devil is
worth the cost. Faustus then calls back Mephastophilis, who tells him that Lucifer
has accepted his offer of his soul in exchange for twenty-four years of
service. Faustus asks Mephastophilis why Lucifer wants his soul, and
Mephastophilis tells him that Lucifer seeks to enlarge his kingdom and make
humans suffer even as he suffers.
Faustus decides to make
the bargain, and he stabs his arm in order to write the deed in blood. However,
when he tries to write the deed his blood congeals, making writing impossible.
Mephastophilis goes to fetch fire in order to loosen the blood, and, while he
is gone, Faustus endures another bout of indecision, as he wonders if his own
blood is attempting to warn him not to sell his soul. When Mephastophilis
returns, Faustus signs the deed and then discovers an inscription on his arm
that reads “Homo fuge,” Latin for “O man,
fly” (5.77). While Faustus wonders where he should fly,Mephastophilis
presents a group of devils, who cover Faustus with crowns and rich garments.
Faustus puts aside his doubts. He hands over the deed, which promises his body
and soul to Lucifer in exchange for twenty-four years of constant service from
Mephastophilis.
After he turns in the
deed, Faustus asks his new servant where hell is located, and Mephastophilis
says that it has no exact location but exists everywhere. He continues explaining,
saying that hell is everywhere that the damned are cut off from God eternally.
Faustus remarks that he thinks hell is a myth. At Faustus’s request for a wife,
Mephastophilis offers Faustus a she-devil, but Faustus refuses. Mephastophilis
then gives him a book of magic spells and tells him to read it carefully.
Faustus once again
wavers and leans toward repentance as he contemplates the wonders of heaven
from which he has cut himself off. The good and evil angels appear again, and
Faustus realizes that “my heart’s so
hardened I cannot repent!” (5.196). He then begins to ask Mephastophilis
questions about the planets and the heavens. Mephastophilis answers all his
queries willingly, until Faustus asks who made the world. Mephastophilis
refuses to reply because the answer is “against
our kingdom”; when Faustus presses him, Mephastophilis departs angrily
(5.247). Faustus then turns his mind to God, and again he wonders if it is too
late for him to repent. The good and evil angels enter once more, and the good
angel says it is never too late for Faustus to repent. Faustus begins to appeal
to Christ for mercy, but then Lucifer, Belzebub (another devil), and
Mephastophilis enter. They tell Faustus to stop thinking of God and then
present a show of the Seven Deadly Sins. Each sin that is Pride, Covetousness,
Envy, Wrath, Gluttony, Sloth, and finally Lechery appear before Faustus and
makes a brief speech. The sight of the sins delights Faustus’s soul, and he
asks to see hell. Lucifer promises to take him there that night. For the
meantime he gives Faustus a book that teaches him how to change his shape.
Scene
6: Meanwhile,
Robin, a stable hand, has found one of Faustus’s conjuring books, and he is
trying to learn the spells. He calls in an innkeeper named Rafe, and the two go
to a bar together, where Robin promises to conjure up any kind of wine that
Rafe desires.
Chorus
2: Wagner
takes the stage and describes how Faustus traveled through the heavens on a
chariot pulled by dragons in order to learn the secrets of astronomy. Wagner
tells us that Faustus is now traveling to measure the coasts and kingdoms of
the world and that his travels will take him to Rome.
Scene
7: Faustus
appears, recounting to Mephastophilis his travels throughout Europe, first from
Germany to France and then on to Italy. He asks Mephastophilis if they have
arrived in Rome, whose monuments he greatly desires to see, and Mephastophilis
replies that they are in the pope’s privy chamber. It is a day of feasting in
Rome, to celebrate the pope’s victories, and Faustus and Mephastophilis agree
to use their powers to play tricks on the pope.
Scene
8: Robin
the ostler, or stablehand, and his friend Rafe have stolen a cup from a tavern.
They are pursued by a vintner (or wine-maker), who demands that they return the
cup. They claim not to have it, and then Robin conjures up Mephastophilis,
which makes the vintner flee. Mephastophilis is not pleased to have been
summoned for a prank, and he threatens to turn the two into an ape and a dog.
The two friends treat what they have done as a joke, and Mephastophilis leaves
in a fury, saying that he will go to join Faustus in Turkey.
Chorus
3: The
Chorus enters to inform us that Faustus has returned home to Germany and
developed his fame by explaining what he learned during the course of his
journey. The German emperor, Charles V, has heard of Faustus and invited him to
his palace, where we next encounter him.
Scene
9: At
the court of the emperor, two gentlemen, Martino and Frederick, discuss the
imminent arrival of Bruno and Faustus. Martino remarks that Faustus has
promised to conjure up Alexander the Great, the famous conqueror. The two of
them wake another gentleman, Benvolio, and tell him to come down and see the
new arrivals, but Benvolio declares that he would rather watch the action from
his window, because he has a hangover.Faustus comes before the emperor, who
thanks him for having freed Bruno from the clutches of the pope. Faustus
acknowledges the gratitude and then says that he stands ready to fulfil any
wish that the emperor might have. Benvolio, watching from above, remarks to
himself that, Faustus looks nothing like what he would expect a conjurer to
look like.
The emperor tells
Faustus that he would like to see Alexander the Great and his lover. Faustus
tells him that he cannot produce their actual bodies but can create spirits
resembling them. A knight present in the court is sceptical, and asserts that
it is as untrue that Faustus can perform this feat as that the goddess Diana
has transformed the knight into a stag.
Before the eyes of the
court, Faustus creates a vision of Alexander embracing his lover. Faustus
conjures a pair of antlers onto the head of the knight. The knight pleads for
mercy, and the emperor entreats Faustus to remove the horns. Faustus complies,
warning Benvolio to have more respect for scholars in the future.
With his friends
Martino and Frederick and a group of soldiers, Benvolio plots an attack against
Faustus. His friends try to dissuade him, but he is so furious at the damage
done to his reputation that he will not listen to reason. They resolve to
ambush Faustus as he leaves the court of the emperor and to take the treasures
that the emperor has given Faustus. Frederick goes out with the soldiers to
scout and returns with word that Faustus is coming toward them and that he is
alone. When Faustus enters, Benvolio stabs him and cuts off his head. He and
his friends rejoice, and they plan the further indignities that they will visit
on Faustus’s corpse. But then Faustus rises with his head restored. Faustus
tells them that they are fools, since his life belongs to Mephastophilis and
cannot be taken by anyone else. He summons Mephastophilis, who arrives with a
group of lesser devils, and orders the devils to carry his attackers off to
hell. Then, reconsidering, he orders them instead to punish Benvolio and his
friends by dragging them through thorns and hurling them off of cliffs, so that
the world will see what happens to people who attack Faustus. As the men and
devils leave, the soldiers come in, and Faustus summons up another clutch of
demons to drive them off.
Scene
9: Benvolio,
Frederick, and Martino reappear. They are bruised and bloody from having been
chased and harried by the devils, and all three of them now have horns sprouting
from their heads. They greet one another unhappily, express horror at the fate
that has befallen them, and agree to conceal themselves in a castle rather than
face the scorn of the world.
Scene
10: Faustus,
meanwhile, meets a horse-courser and sells him his horse. Faustus gives the
horse-courser a good price but warns him not to ride the horse into the water.
Faustus begins to reflect on the pending expiration of his contract with
Lucifer and falls asleep. The horse-courser reappears, sopping wet, complaining
that when he rode his horse into a stream it turned into a heap of straw. He
decides to get his money back and tries to wake Faustus by hollering in his
ear. He then pulls on Faustus’s leg when Faustus will not wake. The leg breaks
off, and Faustus wakes up, screaming bloody murder. The horse-courser takes the
leg and runs off. Meanwhile, Faustus’s leg is immediately restored, and he
laughs at the joke that he has played. Wagner then enters and tells Faustus
that the Duke of Vanholt has summoned him. Faustus agrees to go, and they
depart together.
Robin and Rafe have
stopped for a drink in a tavern. They listen as a carter, or wagon-driver and
the horse-courser discuss Faustus. The carter explains that Faustus stopped him
on the road and asked to buy some hay to eat. The carter agreed to sell him all
he could eat for three farthings, and Faustus proceeded to eat the entire
wagonload of hay. The horse-courser tells his own story, adding that he took
Faustus’s leg as revenge and that he is keeping it at his home. Robin declares
that he intends to seek out Faustus, but only after he has a few more drinks.
Scene
11: At
the court of the Duke of Vanholt, Faustus’s skill at conjuring up beautiful
illusions wins the duke’s favor. Faustus comments that the duchess has not
seemed to enjoy the show and asks her what she would like. She tells him she
would like a dish of ripe grapes, and Faustus has Mephastophilis bring her some
grapes. (In the B text of Doctor Faustus, Robin, Dick, the carter, the
horse-courser, and the hostess from the tavern burst in at this moment. They
confront Faustus, and the horse-courser begins making jokes about what he
assumes is Faustus’s wooden leg. Faustus then shows them his leg, which is
whole and healthy, and they are amazed. Each then launches into a complaint
about Faustus’s treatment of him, but Faustus uses magical charms to make them
silent, and they depart.) The duke and duchess are much pleased with Faustus’s
display, and they promise to reward Faustus greatly.
Chorus
4: Wagner
announces that Faustus must be about to die because he has given Wagner all of
his wealth. But he remains unsure, since Faustus is not acting like a dying man
rather; he is out carousing with scholars.
Scene
12: Faustus
enters with some of the scholars. One of them asks Faustus if he can produce
Helen of Greece (also known as Helen of Troy), who they have decided was “the admirable lady / that ever lived”
(12.3–4). Faustus agrees to produce her, and gives the order to Mephastophilis:
immediately, Helen herself crosses the stage, to the delight of the
scholars.The scholars leave, and an old man enters and tries to persuade
Faustus to repent. Faustus becomes distraught, and Mephastophilis hands him a
dagger. However, the old man persuades him to appeal to God for mercy, saying, “I see an angel hovers o’er thy head / And
with a vial full of precious grace / Offers to pour the same into thy soul!”
(12.44–46). Once the old man leaves, Mephastophilis threatens to shred Faustus
to pieces if he does not reconfirm his vow to Lucifer. Faustus complies,
sealing his vow by once again stabbing his arm and inscribing it in blood. He
asks Mephastophilis to punish the old man for trying to dissuade him from
continuing in Lucifer’s service; Mephastophilis says that he cannot touch the
old man’s soul but that he will scourge his body. Faustus then asks
Mephastophilis to let him see Helen again. Helen enters, and Faustus makes a
great speech about her beauty and kisses her.
Scene
13: The
final night of Faustus’s life has come, and he tells the scholars of the deal
he has made with Lucifer. They are horrified and ask what they can do to save
him, but he tells them that there is nothing to be done. Reluctantly, they
leave to pray for Faustus. A vision of hell opens before Faustus’s horrified
eyes as the clock strikes eleven. The last hour passes by quickly, and Faustus
exhorts the clocks to slow and time to stop, so that he might live a little
longer and have a chance to repent. He then begs God to reduce his time in hell
to a thousand years or a hundred thousand years, so long as he is eventually
saved. He wishes that he were a beast and would simply cease to exist when he
dies instead of face damnation. He curses his parents and himself, and the
clock strikes midnight. Devils enter and carry Faustus away as he screams, “Ugly hell gape not! Come not, Lucifer! /
I’ll burn my books—ah, Mephastophilis!” (13.112–113).
Epilogue:
The
final scenes contain some of the most noteworthy speeches in the play,
especially Faustus’s speech to Helen and his final soliloquy. His address to
Helen begins with the famous line “Was
this the face that launched a thousand ships,” referring to the Trojan War,
which was fought over Helen, and goes on to list all the great things that
Faustus would do to win her love (12.81). He compares himself to the heroes of
Greek mythology, who went to war for her hand, and he ends with a lengthy
praise of her beauty. In its flowery language and emotional power, the speech
marks a return to the eloquence that marks Faustus’s words in earlier scenes,
before his language and behaviour become mediocre and petty. Having squandered
his powers in pranks and childish entertainments, Faustus regains his eloquence
and tragic grandeur in the final scene, as his doom approaches. Still, as
impressive as this speech is, Faustus maintains the same blind spots that lead
him down his dark road in the first place. Earlier, he seeks transcendence
through magic instead of religion. Now, he seeks it through sex and female
beauty, as he asks Helen to make him “immortal” by kissing him (12.83).
Moreover, it is not even clear that Helen is real, since Faustus’s earlier
conjuring of historical figures evokes only illusions and not physical beings.
If Helen too is just an illusion, then Faustus is wasting his last hours
dallying with a fantasy image, an apt symbol for his entire life.Faustus’s
final speech is the most emotionally powerful scene in the play, as his
despairing mind rushes from idea to idea. One moment he is begging time to slow
down, the next he is imploring Christ for mercy. One moment he is crying out in
fear and trying to hide from the wrath of God, the next he is begging to have
the eternity of hell lessened somehow. He curses his parents for giving birth
to him but then owns up to his responsibility and curses himself. His mind’s
various attempts to escape his doom, then, lead inexorably to an understanding
of his own guilt.
The passion of the
final speech points to the central question in Doctor Faustus of why Faustus
does not repent. Early in the play, he deceives himself into believing either
that hell is not so bad or that it does not exist. But, by the close, with the
gates of hell literally opening before him, he still ignores the warnings of
his own conscience and of the old man, a physical embodiment of the conscience
that plagues him. Faustus’s loyalty to Lucifer could be explained by the fact
that he is afraid of having his body torn apart by Mephastophilis. But he seems
almost eager, even in the next-to-last scene, to reseal his vows in blood, and
he even goes a step further when he demands that Mephastophilis punish the old
man who urges him to repent. Marlowe suggests that Faustus’s self-delusion
persists even at the end. Having served Lucifer for so long, he has reached a
point at which he cannot imagine breaking free.
In his final speech,
Faustus is clearly wracked with remorse, yet he no longer seems to be able to
repent. Faustus appears to be calling on Christ, seeking the precious drop of
blood that will save his soul. Yet some unseen force whether inside or outside
him prevents him from giving himself to God. Ultimately, the ending of Doctor
Faustus represents a clash between Christianity, which holds that repentance
and salvation are always possible, and the dictates of tragedy, in which some
character flaw cannot be corrected, even by appealing to God. The idea of
Christian tragedy, then, is paradoxical, as Christianity is ultimately
uplifting. People may suffer as Christ himself did but for those who repent,
salvation eventually awaits. To make Doctor Faustus a true tragedy, then,
Marlowe had to set down a moment beyond which Faustus could no longer repent,
so that in the final scene, while still alive, he can be damned and conscious
of his damnation.
The unhappy Faustus’s
last line returns us to the clash between Renaissance values and medieval
values that dominates the early scenes and then recedes as Faustus pursues his
mediocre amusements in later scenes. His cry, as he pleads for salvation, that
he will burn his books suggests, for the first time since early scenes, that
his pact with Lucifer is primarily about a thirst for limitless knowledge a
thirst that is presented as incompatible with Christianity.
In the duel between
Christendom and the rising modern spirit, Marlowe’s play seems to come down
squarely on the side of Christianity. Yet Marlowe, himself notoriously accused
of atheism and various other sins, may have had other ideas, and he made his
Faustus sympathetic, if not necessarily admirable. While his play shows how the
untrammelled pursuit of knowledge and power can be corrupting, it also shows
the grandeur of such a quest. Faustus is damned, but the gates that he opens
remain standing wide, waiting for others to follow.
UNIT
V: FICTION
THE
VICAR OF WAKEFIELD
OLIVER
GOLDSMITH
An essayist, novelist,
poet, and playwright, Goldsmith was born in Kilkenny West, County Westmeath,
Ireland. He worked as a writer and was friends with the artistic and literary
luminaries of the time, including Samuel Johnson, James Boswell, Sir Joshua
Reynolds, and Edmund Burke. Goldsmith is author of the essay collection The
Citizen of the World (1762), the novel The Vicar of Wakefield (1766), the plays
The Good Natured Man (1768) and She Stoops to Conquer (1773), and the poetry
collections Traveller, or, a Prospect of Society (1764), An Elegy on the Death
of a Mad Dog (1766), and The Deserted Village: A Poem (1770).
The virtuous, prudent,
and intelligent vicar of Wakefield lives happily his family, which consists of
his wife Deborah, his sons George, Moses, Bill, and Dick, and his two daughters
Olivia and Sophia. They live a cloistered and genteel life, and are preparing
for the eldest son George to marry a lovely neighbourhood girl, Miss Arabella
Wilmot. Unfortunately, Mr. Wilmot cancels the engagement after the vicar
offends him in a philosophical argument about marriage, and after the vicar
loses his fortune to a shady merchant who proved to be a thief. Now destitute,
the family is forced to move to a more humble area.
In their new
neighbourhood, the vicar works as a curate and farmer. The family sends George,
who had been educated at Oxford, to London in hopes that he can earn a living
there to supplement the family's income. The new area is comfortable and
pastoral, but the women in particular find it difficult to acclimate to a lower
level of fashion than they are accustomed to. The vicar befriends a handsome,
erudite, and poor young man named Mr. Burchell. After Burchell saves Sophia
from drowning, it seems clear that she is attracted to him. Meanwhile, the
family also hears word of their new landlord, Squire Thornhill, reputed to be a
spoiled brat who lives off the generosity of his uncle, Sir William Thornhill,
while living a reprobate lifestyle.
Eventually, the family
meets the much-discussed squire, who proves charming, attractive, and amiable.
The vicar quickly forgets his reservations as he notices the squire's interest
in Olivia, and the family begins to hope that their fortunes might change.
Meanwhile, as he anticipates a new social status, the vicar becomes less
pleased with Mr. Burchell's attention to Sophia. He does not want her marrying
a man of no fortune. They lose their simple manners and grow more prideful and
vain as their hopes for Olivia and the squire increase. However, the more they
attempt to present themselves as above their station, the more embarrassments
they encounter. For instance, both the vicar and Moses are duped when
attempting to sell the family's horses in exchange for more fashionable ones.
The squire introduces
the vicar's daughters to two fashionable ladies, who suggest they might find
positions for the girls in the city. The family is pleased, but incensed when
they discover that Mr. Burchell has written a letter ambiguously threatening
the girls' reputations. Because of this letter, the plan to move the girls to
town is foiled. Mr. Burchell is banished from the house. Deborah tries to
prompt the squire into proposing to Olivia, by vaguely threatening to marry the
girl to a neighbour, Father Williams. Though the squire is clearly upset and
jealous by the latter's man presence, he makes no effort to propose, and the
family prepares to marry Olivia to the farmer.
However, right before
the wedding, Olivia flees with Squire Thornhill. This is a heart breaking blow
to the family, since it means Olivia has sacrificed her reputation. The vicar
sets out after her, hoping to save and forgive her. He finds Squire Thornhill
at home, and then suspects Mr. Burchell of the crime. The vicar's journey and
anxiety are taxing, and he falls ill while far away from home. He rests for
three weeks at an inn, and then heads back towards home, meeting a traveling
acting company along the way. When they
arrive at the next town, he meets an intelligent man who invites him to his
home for a dinner party. The vicar agrees, and is astonished by the man's
magnificent mansion. To his shock, however, he discovers that this man is
actually the home's butler when the true master, Mr. Arnold, arrives. It also
turns out that Mr. Arnold is uncle to Miss Arabella Wilmot, who is overjoyed to
reunite with the vicar. Her love for George has clearly not abated, although
there are rumours that she is preparing to marry Squire Thornhill.
The vicar stays with
the family for a few days. In an amazing turn of events, they attend the acting
company's show to discover that George himself is acting with it. Later, George
reunites with his father and Arabella, and tells of his many misadventures
since parting with his family. His many missteps ended with him attempting to
act, and none of them yielded much fortune. Along the way, he had reunited with
an old college friend - who turned out to be Squire Thornhill - but was ruined
when he fought a duel for the squire and was then repudiated by Sir William for
that base behaviour. The squire soon arrives at the Arnold house, and is
surprised to see the vicar and his son there. After some time, noticing the
renewed feelings between Arabella and George, the squire procures a job for
George in the West Indies. Since he has no money and no one suspects the Squire
of ulterior motives, George gladly departs.
The vicar prepares to
return home. Along the way, he stops one night in an inn, and coincidentally
discovers that Olivia is there as well. They reunite in a tumult of emotion,
and Olivia explains how the squire seduced her, married her in a fake ceremony,
and then left her in a de facto house of prostitution. She finally escaped his
clutches, and has since lived at the mercy of the innkeeper. The vicar brings
Olivia home, but leaves her at a nearby inn so he can emotionally prepare the
family for her return. Unfortunately, he finds his home engulfed in flames,
with the two youngest sons trapped inside. He rushes in and saves them, but
terribly injures his arm in the process. This proves a terrible blow to the
family, and in light of it, they all easily forgive Olivia, who nevertheless
remains broken-hearted.
The family tries to
return to normal, even after they hear of the engagement between Arabella and
Squire Thornhill. One day, the squire finds them outside, and the vicar insults
him. The squire threatens to avenge himself on the vicar, and the next day
sends two officers to collect rent the vicar owes on the house. The vicar
cannot pay, and is arrested. They travel together to the jail. The ladies take
up residence in a nearby inn, while the sons stay with him in his cell. In
prison, the vicar makes a friend named Ephraim Jenkinson, who turns out to be
the man who swindled the vicar and Moses of their horses. He has since repented
for his sinful life, and the vicar forgives him. In prison, the vicar sets out
to reform the other prisoners, eventually winning them over with sermons and
kindnesses. He tells Jenkinson what has happened to him, and the man resolves
to help however he can. They send a letter to Sir William explaining how the
man's nephew had wronged the family. Though both Olivia's health and the
vicar's own health are fading, he refuses to make peace with Squire Thornhill
until Jenkinson brings word that Olivia has died. Anguished, the vicar sends a
letter of peace to Squire Thornhill, who refuses to compromise because of the
letter the vicar sent to Sir William. The vicar then learns that Sophia has
been abducted. Almost immediately afterwards, George is brought to the jail as
a prisoner, after having heard of Olivia's shame and then challenging the
squire to a duel. The squire's servants beat him instead. Horrified by this
succession of misfortunes, the vicar steels himself and delivers a sermon on
fortitude to the entire prison.
After the sermon, Moses
brings news that Mr. Burchell had rescued Sophia. They arrive, and the vicar
apologizes to Burchell for his previous resentments, and offers his daughter's
hand to the man despite the latter's poverty. Burchell makes no answer, but
orders a great feast which the family enjoys until word arrives that Squire
Thornhill has arrived and wishes to see Mr. Burchell. The latter then reveals
that he is actually Sir William Thornhill. Sophia describes the man who
kidnapped her, and Jenkinson realizes who the scoundrel is. With Sir William's
blessing, the jailer gives Jenkinson two men with which to apprehend this
criminal. Meanwhile, Sir William realizes who George is, and lectures him about
fighting. He comes to understand the behaviour, if not condone it, when he
learns what George believed about his nephew.
When Squire Thornhill
arrives, he denies everything. The vicar has no hard evidence to support his
claims until Jenkinson triumphantly returns with the criminal who kidnapped
Sophia at the squire's behest. The plan was for the squire to mock-rescue her
so he could then seduce her. Arabella and Mr. Wilmot suddenly arrive at the
jail, having learned from one of the young boys that the vicar had been
arrested. The new discoveries quickly convince Arabella to end the engagement,
but the squire is unfazed - since he had already signed the contract ensuring
him Arabella's dowry, he has no need of the actual marriage. Though everyone is
dismayed, Arabella and George are mostly overjoyed to be reunited, and plan to
marry anyway.
However, many great
discoveries save the family. First, it turns out that Olivia is not dead;
Jenkinson lied in order to convince the vicar to make peace with the squire.
Secondly, Jenkinson, who acted as the priest in what the squire thought was a
fake wedding to Olivia, actually and legally married them. It turns out, then,
that Olivia and the Squire are legitimately married, and so the squire is not
entitled to Arabella's fortune. Squire Thornhill, now completely ruined, begs
mercy of his uncle and is granted a small allowance. Once he leaves, Sir
William proposes to Sophia, who accepts. In the conclusion, George marries
Arabella and Sir William marries Sophia. The squire lives with a melancholy
relative far away. The vicar's fortune is restored when the merchant who stole
it is caught. Happiness and felicity reign, and the vicar hopes he will be as
thankful to God during the good times as he was during the times of adversity.
Questions:
1)
How does the vicar change throughout the novel?
2) Discuss the novel's
tone, style, and genre. How are each of these complicated throughout the work?
3) The Primrose family
is frequently duped throughout the novel. What makes them so susceptible to
being fooled?
4) In what way is this
novel a satire?
5) How are the events
of the novel similar to those of Goldsmith's own life?
6) Why are the stakes
so high for Olivia's "abduction" in the novel?
7) How does Sir William
fit into the novel's moral themes?
8) What is the
significance of the novel's title?
9) One could easily
argue that the string of calamities in the novel's second half is exploitative
and unrealistic. Defend the extremity of these events.
Awesome notes. But please upload the summary for the poems
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